The current epidemic of Palestinian Sympathy Fatigue (not so diff from last years PSF - or the years before that) may actually spark a New Palestinian Strategy:
This extends beyond one-state/two-state conversations to include a focus on rights per se, debates over how best to define Little Satan's occupation and which body of international law best applies, and calls for a return to community activism and non-violent resistance. Any national consensus or mandate in support of negotiations is fast disappearing.Pic - “Greatest achievement in recent Palestinian memory"
Without a change in the status quo, the Palestinian leadership faces some hard choices.
Two areas in particular stand out. First, the leadership should consider initiating a new Palestinian national dialogue aimed at revitalising a weakened Palestinian national movement. Given that debates over Palestinian strategy are already taking place, the leadership is better served by being part of them and staying ahead of the curve rather than finding itself one of their principal targets.
While not risk free, helping to facilitate such a debate in a structured and inclusive environment that allows for the participation of key Palestinian constituencies will serve as a show of national leadership and help Ramallah reconnect with those whom it has largely lost touch with, particularly Palestinian refugees.
One option - more viable than most - is the creation of a constituent assembly charged with drafting a new national programme capable of reunifying the Palestinian body politic around an agreed set of national goals and strategy.
Second, the Palestinian leadership should prioritise much needed institutional reforms to allow for greater democratic decision-making. Such reforms should start with the renewal of the PLO, whose role and responsibilities as the sole legitimate representative of all Palestinians should be clearly separated from those of the PA.
Changes in PLO funding, as well as a review of its charter to strengthen internal democratic procedures, should also be considered. In addition, staging new elections for the PA and reviving the Palestinian Legislative Council will provide additional legislative oversight over executive decisions in West Bank. PA elections, however, should not be treated as a panacea for all of the problems facing the Palestinian leadership.
Lastly, strengthening Palestinian civil society and fostering greater public policy dialogue and debate are both important in strengthening public participation and representation in West Bank.